Post-issuance of Perppu No. 2/2017 and the revocation status of legal entity plantations on July 19, 2017, the national perpolitikkan Sikon colored with the pros and cons of legal products. It turns out that many circles in Indonesia that support the law products include DPD Muhammadiyah Student Association / IMM DKI Jakarta; Communication Forum of Putri Putri Purnawirawan TNI / Polri-FKKPI Jabar; Alliance of Islamic Students Jakarta, Youth Movement Ansor Kab. West Sumbawa / KSB, West Kalimantan Youth and Student Alliance; PMII Commissariat University Tanjongpura, Alliance of Youth Jember Love Pancasila and the Homeland, LMND East Lombok, PB PMII, Muhammadiyah, NU, Community of Concerned Women Indonesia, led by Emmy Hafild Caucus Young Banyuwangi, Pemuda Pancasila, GMKI, PMKRI, LBH NU and others.

Reasons or attitudes to support support to Perppu No. 2 Year 2017 delivered various community elements in the region among others because: first, the dissolution of HTI Organization is the right step. Anti-Pancasila mass organizations must be dissolved, rather than making noise and dividing the nation. So far, HTI has become a very serious problem, because in the target of its struggle wants to replace the state of Pancasila into a Khilafah state.
Therefore, the government should immediately take legal steps in the process of constitutional dissolution of CSOs that threaten the existence of Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.
 
Second, CSOs HTI have the goal of establishing a state based on Islamic system of government (caliphate), but no caliph after Khalifah Ar-Rasyidin. If it is left it will certainly threaten the sovereignty of NKRI. Responding to the problems that have developed recently, Muhammadiyah views the government's decision to issue Perppu no. 2 Year 2017 was appropriate and then we leave it to Parliament to discuss with the wise and prudent to then decide the regulation has become law. For Muhammadiyah, the ideology of Pancasila is final and the price is unquestionable.

Third, CSOs that have principles to form a state based on ideology other than Pancasila must be dissolved. The anti-Pancasila ideals should be dissolved immediately, but must be through the applicable law.

On the other hand, the existence of community groups (mass organizations, student organizations, youth organizations, etc.), which consciously supports the government's move to issue Perppu No. 2/2017 still needs to be maintained momentum, let alone the legal product is being challenged by the judicial review to the Constitutional Court by at least 5 parties either individual Namely Ismail Yusanto, former HTI spokesman and Afriandy Putra, as well as several institutions namely the Nusantara Alliance, Shari Law Al Qunoni Foundation and the Center for Islamic Unity. This indicates that many groups are still urging the revocation or cancellation of this Perppu, so that the vote on the aspirations of the groups that support Perppu No. 2/2017 still needs to be facilitated and expanded.

What is the purpose?

The movement of community groups that support Perppu No. 2/2017 actually indicates their state maturity, loyalty to the government and at the same time to eliminate their concerns about the possible loss of spirit of pluralism, pluralism and multiculturalism in Indonesia where 483 ethnic and 719 languages in Indonesia is the crystallization of four waves of ancestral migration Indonesian human being since 50,000 years ago (Prof. Herawati Sudoyo, geneticist of Eijkman Mocular Institute of Biology) whose potential can not be underestimated, especially if the love of state ideology and correct understanding of nationality to our millennial generation, the threat of collapse and dissolution of NKRI is no longer Utopia in the future.

The results of the National Survey titled "The Potential of Intolerance and Religious Social Radicalism among Indonesian Muslims" held by the Wahid Foundation in collaboration with the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) in 2016 show that although the majority of Muslims in Indonesia reject radicalism, there are 7.7% Radical action if there is a chance, and 0.4% have done a radical action. In addition, the survey also found that 59.9% of respondents have hatred towards certain social groups, both ethnic, religious and political ideologies. The hatred is also followed by the rejection of political rights to sit in government, as well as to interact socially. Wahid Foundation's findings released in 2016 open our eyes that intolerance is an increasingly factual reality and a nursery for the development of radical understanding and action in Indonesia.

The astonishing data related to intolerance was also released by SETARA Institute (16/2/2017) which recorded 208 incidents of intolerance and 270 intolerance measures in 2016. The perpetrators of this intolerance involved citizens, mass organizations, corporations and state actors in various forms including apostasy, Intimidation, hate speech, threats, banning the establishment of places of worship, destruction of property, to the forced dissolution of religious activities. Note SETARA Institute also shows that West Java is the province with the highest intoleration number with 41 cases, followed by Jakarta (31 cases), East Java 22), Central Java (14), and Bangka Belitung (11).

According to data released by the Coordinator of Komnas HAM's Religious and Belief Desk (KBB), Pastor Jayadi Damanik, the number of cases of intolerance in Indonesia has increased significantly. Komnas HAM data recorded 74 cases of intolerance reported to the KBB Desk complaint post in 2014, rising to 87 cases by 2015, and nearly 100 cases by 2016 (Kompas, 5/1/2017). Cases of intolerance are rampant in relation to freedom of religion and belief, such as banning religious activity, damaging houses of worship, discrimination on the basis of belief or religion, intimidation and coercion of beliefs.Intoleransi it has contributed to the occurrence of acts of violence and human rights violations in Indonesia.

Haedar Nasir's Dissertation, Sharia Islam: Reproduction of Ideological Salafism in Indonesia (2007) there are some groups who are always keen to make radical changes by incrusting their beliefs. First, revivalist groups that appear with legal-formal characteristics that demand changes in the legal system according to the rules of religion and the rule of religion. Secondly, revivalist groups that come up with doctrinal traits by understanding and practicing all-religion are absolute and rigid. Third, the revivalist group that comes up with militant traits characterized by high religious zeal to hardline.

Oliver Roy in the article "Who are the New Jihadists?", Many revivalist groups use the mode of Islamization of radicalism as a means of gaining power and seizing social influence among the people of terrorism, but from the radicalization of Islam.

The existence of data from the Wahid Foundation, Equals Institute and the Religious and Beliefs Freedom Desk (KBB) of Komnas HAM plus the opinions of Haedar Nashir and Oliver Roy above, the legal and political decision of the Jokowi government by issuing Perppu No. 2/2017 is appropriate, and not the authoritarian policy Or dittor because of its purpose to eliminate the future threat of the Indonesian nation.

Therefore, the ranks of government or K/L especially the security apparatus, law enforcement officers and intelligence apparatus clearly need to assist, support and expand any activities or ideas put forward by the support group of Perppu No. 2/2017 that emerged from various circles began From student organizations, youth organizations, religious organizations, political parties to NGOs and academics, because they also facilitate the tasks carried out by various task force established by K/L in "securing" policies related to Perppu No. 2/2017.

If K L supports and supports the support group activities of Perppu No. 2/2017, then there are at least some objectives to be obtained by K/L, among others: First, the means to absorb the aspirations, responses and thoughts of mass organizations, especially supporters of Perppu No. 2/2017. It can also be used as input by the government in evaluating its implementation. Second, managing the supporters of Perppu No. 2/2017 to remain united and solid. Third, consolidate and empower the support group of Perppu No. 2/2017.

*) The author is a young researcher at Cersia, Jakarta.

Pewarta: Bayu Kusuma *)

Editor : M. Tohamaksun


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